Holy Roman Empire

Chapter 88: Chapter 88: Water Floods the Seven Armies

Translator: 549690339

Selling out comrades isn’t as simple as it may seem; the Revolutionaries aren’t fools—how could they not be vigilant against these nobles?

From the onset, Kossuth had refused to allow the great nobility to meddle in the affairs of the temporary government. Chernir and Gol were bourgeois nobility, having already transitioned from nobles to capitalists.

From an interest-based standpoint, an independent Hungarian Republic was more in line with their benefits, which is why both sides came together for cooperation and jointly established the temporary government.

The nobility of Hungary had degenerated, including those who had shifted to capitalism. If they could make money lying down, why bother striving?

On the contrary, those leading the Revolutionary Party, mostly descendants of fallen nobility, had become entrepreneurs out of destitution. Their capabilities hadn’t diminished significantly.

In the power struggle within the temporary government, these do-nothing nobles naturally lost to the daring and hardworking entrepreneurs.

Chernir was a smart man, but being too clever, he wouldn’t dare make a move against the temporary government without certainty.

If it were the Revolutionaries, the result would probably be the exact opposite. With just a few hundred men, they could launch a coup. As long as they control the temporary government’s leadership, victory would be assured.

“Let’s wait and see, let’s try to sway more people to our side. When the time is ripe, we’ll make our move!” Chernir said after thinking it over.

Gol naturally wouldn’t object. Despite his casual tone, he was genuinely uncertain.

The human heart is unpredictable—who knew if among their ranks there were those inclined towards the Revolutionary Party? If word got out, wouldn’t the Revolutionaries strike first?

“No problem, Mr. Chernir, but how do we explain ourselves to the Austrians?” Gol asked with concern.

Clearly, by this time, they had already become entangled with the Austrian Government, making the same historical move—betraying their allies.

“No worries, the Austrians just demand we eliminate the Revolutionary Party’s leaders in one fell swoop. Everything else is negotiable,” Chernir confidently declared.

In Hungary, there was both the left-wing and right-wing forces. The left-wing, led by Kossuth, advocated for the abolition of the monarchy and the establishment of an independent Hungarian Republic.

The right-wing, led by Chernir and Istvån, called for moderate reform of the social system, hoping to collaborate closely with the Habsburg dynasty.

Undoubtedly, the relationship between Hungary’s right-wing forces and the Austrian Government was still good. Even if the Vienna Government had abolished serfdom and touched their land, was there not land redemption money?

It all came down to money. As long as the price was right, there would be no problems.

Whether others’ interests could be safeguarded was unknown to Chernir, but at least he was certain that those standing with the Vienna Government, like them, would have their interests protected.

Of course, to gain more benefits, they must demonstrate their value to the Vienna Government.

If they do nothing beyond politically leaning toward the Vienna Government, once the Austrian army breaks through, they could find themselves without a seat at the spoils-sharing table.

Meanwhile, Head of State Kossuth was busy discussing the defense of the city with the veteran Polish General Henrik-Dembinski, unaware that the surrenderist faction within the government was preparing to trade their heads for honors.

Henrik-Dembinski marked out all the key positions on the defense map and distributed the forces according to the situation.

After all these preparations were done, Henrik-Dembinski addressed Kossuth, “Mr. Kossuth, this is as far as Budapest’s defenses can go. It’s unrealistic to expect to keep the enemy outside the city. The next major task in combat is urban warfare.

In urban warfare, the effectiveness of regular troops will be greatly reduced. Utilizing the buildings as cover and fortifications, the National Homeland Defense Troops, familiar with the terrain, will be at an advantage.

If everybody remains united, we can hold off the enemy for at least two to three months. The enemy might even retreat from Budapest due to heavy losses!”

Kossuth asked expectantly, “General Henrik, you are a famed general in Europe. Do we have any means to inflict a decisive blow on, or even annihilate, the enemy forces?”

The Hungarian Republic had to defeat the Austrian Empire to survive. Merely delaying for two or three months was still futile in the grand scheme of things.

Henrik-Dembinski shook his head and said, “Unfortunately, Mr. Kossuth, such a thing would be impossible even if Emperor Napoleon were resurrected!

We must acknowledge that the Hungarian National Self-Defense Force is significantly outmatched in combat strength against the Austrian army, even more so considering the vast gap in weapons and equipment, not to mention that we are also outnumbered.

Besides still controlling Budapest, which allows us to defend from within, we have no other advantages. It would be very unwise to rashly engage the enemy in battle under these circumstances.”

Kossuth nodded in disappointment. This conclusion had also been reached by the military leaders in the temporary government, and their view was even more pessimistic than that of Henrik-Dembinski.

The biggest problem was that the Hungarians did not regard the Austrian army as foreign invaders. Between the Emperor and the temporary government, there were more inclined towards the Emperor.

If it came down to a popular vote as the Revolutionary Party advocated, they would likely be disgracefully ousted from power.

Destruction is always easier than construction. After the establishment of the Hungarian Republic, all it had brought to the people was a pie in the sky. Aside from some capitalists who profited from the national disaster, ordinary citizens did not benefit substantially.

Without the support of a people’s war, the Republican Government could not win hearts in a short period, nor did they have enough money to do so.

“General Henrik-Dembinski, if we persist defensively, we will surely fall. Budapest’s connection with the outside has already been severed. If we can’t break the current impasse, I fear we won’t last long.

There’s a large stockpile of food within the city of Budapest; theoretically, we should be able to endure for a year without problems. But we all know very well that once the enemy is determined to bear down hard, they have plenty of ways to conquer the city!” General Bem, a military leader of the Revolutionary Party, contested.

“Do you mean flooding? No, that’s impossible! Unless the enemy wants to turn the Hungarian plains into a marshland, they would not go to such lengths.

Based on the current situation, the enemy has no plans of constructing a dam upstream. As long as the Vienna Government is concerned about public opinion, they will not take such an action!” Henrik-Dembinski affirmed confidently.

Kossuth’s face turned pale. What soldiers deemed impossible, politicians might view differently. If Budapest could not be taken swiftly, from the Vienna Government’s perspective, resorting to such a draconian measure could be a viable option, couldn’t it?

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