Holy Roman Empire

Chapter 76: Chapter 76: Desperate Illness Calls for a Hasty Cure

Translator: 549690339

“War must serve politics,” Franz thought up the best excuse. He couldn’t just say he was worried about history repeating itself, with the Hungarians suddenly erupting and pushing back the Bohemian Corps?

No one would believe that. The Bohemian Corps had a hundred thousand troops, even if cut in half, that would still be fifty thousand regular soldiers. How many Hungarian troops does Budapest have now?

The Hungarian Republic nominally had a sizeable army, but Kossuth could only actually mobilize a very limited number of troops. Local governments at all levels had National Homeland Defense Troops, many of which were only on paper.

The Kossuth Government had gathered some of the defectors from the front line, and nominally, Budapest’s total military strength reached eighty thousand. On average, two or three people shared one rifle, and with troops utterly devoid of morale, how much combat power could they have?

Prince Windischgrätz, while a military man, was also a politician, and naturally, he would not refute this argument.

“Your Highness, does the government have some kind of plan?”

Franz smiled and said, “Your Highness Prince, have you forgotten the Italian battlefield?”

Prince Windischgrätz nodded. Although he did not consider the Kingdom of Sardinia a trouble, he would not reject the prospect of winning the war more easily.

The Austrian Army mobilized in full strength, and the Hungarian Republic was in imminent danger. If the Kingdom of Sardinia didn’t attack Venice, then in the future they would not be facing a hundred thousand Austrian troops, but possibly two or three hundred thousand.

They couldn’t afford any more; suppressing the Hungarian rebellion was a domestic operation. The Habsburg family had not nurtured such widespread public resentment; with public support, they could sustain a war of this scale.

“Order the troops at the front to be steady and deliberate, to advance step by step without giving the enemy any chances!” Franz added

The territory of the Kingdom of Hungary was actually not small, covering more than three hundred thousand square kilometers, more than three times that of the later Hungarian Republic.

At this time, two-thirds of the region had tilted towards the Austrian Government. Politically, the previous political offensive by the Vienna Government had been very successful.

The Bohemian Corps nearest to Budapest was only tens of kilometers away, and even the Transylvanian Corps, which was the farthest, was no more than three hundred kilometers from Budapest.

Since the outbreak of the war, the Hungarian government had been panicking, and many people were regretting their decisions.

Austria’s response was much greater than they had anticipated. The normal procedure wasn’t to first send police to arrest people, then deploy a few thousand troops to suppress if that failed, and keep reinforcing if necessary…?

In short, the Hungarian Republic kept beating the Austrian side missions, continuously gaining victories, then pressuring the Austrian Government to recognize their independence. This was the independence war envisioned by the Kossuth Government, inspired by the American War of Independence.

There could be setbacks, they might face failures, but in the end, the victory would surely belong to the Hungarian Republic.

The highest realm of deception is to deceive oneself along with everyone else.

Well, maybe they weren’t con artists, but they had certainly concocted such a beautiful dream. Without this dream, they wouldn’t have been able to come this far.

Sadly, from the beginning, they had picked up the wrong script. What was supposed to be an experience-granting novice mission suddenly turned into a hellish one, now they had to fight the big BOSS when they were just level o?

Budapest

Pressured by the situation, Kossuth had no choice but to seek help from his greatest political rival, Count Istvån.

Istvån Széchenyi, one of the great Hungarian nobles and Hungary’s greatest reformer, held high prestige domestically.

Unlike Kossuth, who rose to power through speeches, he was a man of action, having made outstanding contributions in education, transportation, culture, politics, and economics, and was honored as the greatest Hungarian.

It proved that in terms of influence, a doer couldn’t outmatch a talker, which led to the Hungarian Republic because Istvån remained loyal to the Emperor and opposed any violent revolutions.

Politically, Istvån believed that any economic, political, and social reforms must be implemented slowly and cautiously to avoid unpredictable outcomes.

While Kossuth advocated for rapid industrialization, Istvån advocated for preserving strong traditional agriculture, continuing down the agricultural country’s path.

The most significant conflict between the two was on the national question, where Istvån considered Hungary a multi-ethnic country, with people divided by language, culture, and religion. He believed that promoting nationalism was very dangerous.

He thought Hungary initially needed a gradual progression in economic, social, and cultural development, and he opposed excessive radicalism and nationalism.

The fact had already proven that Kossuth’s nationalism was unworkable, as the Vienna Government easily caused internal divisions within Hungary. Left with no choice, Kossuth had to seek help from his former political opponent.

“Count, for the future of thirteen million people of the Hungarian Republic, I’m here to ask you to step up!”

Istvån shook his head, and after a long pause, he spoke, “Your Hungarian Republic doesn’t have thirteen million people; you might not even have half a million, and the rest are subjects of His Majesty Ferdinand!”

Invisible boasting is the most face-slapping. Istvån directly pointed out the real reason for the Hungarian Republic’s predicament.

Because the government pursued radical nationalist policies, the minority ethnic groups in the Hungarian Republic chose to remain loyal to the Emperor.

The Republican Government had not resolved land issues, so the peasants decided to be loyal to the Emperor; the government didn’t consider the interests of the working class, and then the workers decided to be loyal to the Emperor.

What remained were the capitalists and the nobility, and without a doubt, a considerable number of them were still loyal to the Emperor; the genuine supporters of the Hungarian Republic were not many.

“Count, the Hungarian Republic is now established, and the Austrian army is about to come over. Can you bear to just watch Hungary perish?” Kossuth asked angrily.

Istvån said calmly, “Mr. Kossuth, don’t talk nonsense. I started serving in the military at 17, participated in the anti-Napoleonic wars, and stayed in the forces for 18 years before retiring.

I am clearer about military matters than you. Militarily speaking, I see no chance of victory. Tell me, what can I do now?

Of course, if you’re going to abandon independence and prepare to negotiate with the Vienna Government, then it’s a different matter!”

Kossuth’s expression turned terrifyingly grim. Although deep down, he acknowledged Istvån’s words, he could not admit it out loud.

As the head of the Hungarian Republic, other than fighting to the end, he actually had no other choice; peace talks would mean the end of his political life..

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