Holy Roman Empire

Chapter 72: Chapter 72: Hungarian Struggle for Rights (Vote for Me)

Translator: 549690339

Military action had not yet commenced when the fledgling Hungarian Republic found itself in dire straits due to political and economic oppression.

The Republican Government watched helplessly as regions such as Croatia, Transylvania, and Slovakia were co-opted by the Vienna Government.

Without having begun its suppression, the Austrian Government had already seen the Hungarian Republic’s territory shrink by more than half, with the reduction continuing unabated, leaving Head of State Kossuth seething with rage but powerless to intervene.

It is a proven fact that revolutions without bloodshed are never complete. The nascent Hungarian Republic was already fraught with internal conflicts, unable to take a hard stance against local governments.

Budapest

In a fervent speech, Head of State Kossuth exclaimed, “Gentlemen, does anyone still harbor illusions about the Austrians? Wake up, all of you, the Austrian Government will never let us gain independence so easily!

In just this brief half-month, our grand Hungary has lost nearly six-sevenths of its territory. If this continues, I fear it won’t be long before Budapest changes hands once again.

Everyone has felt the Austrian Government’s attitude towards the Revolutionaries. From Vienna to Italy, from Prague to Galicia, the enemy has raised its butchering knife and slaughtered indiscriminately.

Do you think Hungary will be an exception? Once the revolution fails, all of us here will either become fugitives scattered across the seas or headless wraiths under the enemy’s hand!

My God, this is too terrible!! I dare not even imagine the immense damage this would inflict on Hungary.

There were varied expressions on the faces of those present: some were impassioned, some panicked, and others dismissive.

Suddenly, a representative from the nobility interjected, “Mr. Kossuth, everyone understands these grand principles, but let’s talk about something concrete! Sure, we’ve genuinely felt the threat from Austria, but what’s the use?

Do you think by making grand statements here, we can solve the problem?”

Without a doubt, execution is the Achilles’ heel of the Hungarian Republic, as all republican states share one characteristic: constant bickering.

No, that’s incorrect, future Finland might be an exception. When the president’s term ended, the public was too indifferent to vote; if not for the constitutional limitations, the presidency could have become a lifetime appointment.

Clearly, the Hungarian Republic had not yet reached such a level of awareness, and their government had been fraught with contradictions from the outset.

Even now, many were against breaking away from Austria, still unwilling to renounce the crown of the Habsburg Family even as conflict loomed.

The Revolutionary Party led by Kossuth, with no governance experience, faced issues cropping up one after another upon taking office. The chaotic political agenda was also a major factor exacerbating the crisis.

From the Hungarian nationality’s perspective, he was a great defender of national interests. Yet, from the viewpoint of other Hungarian minorities, he was an oppressor of nationalities.

Under the influence of extreme nationalism, the Hungarian Revolution from its inception stood in opposition to the country’s ethnic minorities, with the Austrian Government presenting itself as the guardian of these minorities.

To add to the tragedy, Hungarian nationality in that era was too narrowly defined, excluding the numerous serfs, workers, and the poor beyond the tens of thousands of nobility, capitalists, and the middle class.

No matter how much it was beautified, the Hungarian Republican Government never took into account the interests of the lower classes, and the much-concerned issue of serfdom was never truly resolved.

The decrees of the Republic were treated as toilet paper by the Nobility and capitalists, while the weak Republican Government was powerless to do anything about it.

Speechmaking and inspiring the masses was Kossuth’s strong suit, but when it came to specific issues, there were major problems. He had transitioned abruptly from a critic to a policy maker and hadn’t yet adapted to his new role.

Frowning, Kossuth braced himself and said, “Duke Leopold, right now our most important task is to organize the military and suppress those rebels; we can’t let this situation continue to worsen.”

For the Hungarian Republic, these local governments siding with Austria were indeed committing betrayal.

Unfortunately, they didn’t see it that way; the vast majority thought that it was the Hungarian Republic that was the traitor, and that the Austrian Emperor to whom they pledged loyalty was the legitimate authority.

Duke Leopold scoffed, “If that’s the case, why doesn’t the government send troops out earlier? If we had deployed our forces promptly, the situation would never have deteriorated to this extent!”

As a member of the high Nobility, their losses were severe; the Vienna Government confiscated a substantial amount of their land as soon as they made their move.

In secret, they had also communicated with the Vienna Government, but under Franz’s leadership, the Cabinet was very dissatisfied with their actions during this Hungarian uprising and outright refused to guarantee the security of their assets.

Without their land, did the great Nobility and the lesser Nobility make any difference? Their influence on the nation was actually built on this ownership of land.

A great noble family, possessing tens of thousands or even millions of hectares of land, also had a vast number of serfs at their beck and call, capable of assembling an army of several thousand or even tens of thousands at a moment’s notice. That’s the confidence they had when they spoke.

At this point, Leopold naturally harbored dissatisfaction towards Kossuth’s government. If it weren’t for this revolution, they would still be the exalted

Nobility, not like now, possibly tumbling into the dust at any moment.

Kossuth also had his own loyal followers; at that moment, the Minister of Army Listte spoke up, “Your Grace, you should be aware that military preparations take time, and we also have to consider the influence of the Austrian Government.

If we take military action unprepared, we are likely to provoke a military strike from Austria, and in such a sudden predicament, we would have difficulty securing a victory!”

His explanation was scoffed at by many; the so-called military preparations were still nothing but plans on paper, and the Revolutionaries did not trust the great Nobility.

After the establishment of the Hungarian Republic, Kossuth put a large number of ‘commoner generals’ into use.

Not all commoner generals were diamonds in the rough; the majority genuinely lacked the competence, and their military qualifications were far worse than those of Nobility Officers.

This situation had no short-term solution; leading troops in battle also required nurturing from a young age.

In Europe, only the great Nobility had a complete system for training military talent, which is why nearly all famous European generals before the 20th century were from the great Nobility.

Under the Vienna System, the European Continent had been peaceful for decades; without actual combat experience, even the most gifted of commoner generals had no opportunity to grow.

In history, the Hungarian Republic, due to the lack of generals, eventually turned to veteran Polish commanders, which also led to a rift between the Hungarian Nobility and the Republican Government.

The situation now was no different; the Hungarian Republic had not taken military action, partly for fear of enraging the Austrian Government, and partly because the Revolutionaries distrusted the great Nobility..

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