Holy Roman Empire

Chapter 7: Chapter 7, Laying out Public Opinion

Translator: Nyoi-Bo Studio  Editor: Nyoi-Bo Studio

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Stopping at the right point, Franz didn’t delve further into the topic.

Capitalists were not to be trifled with; even though they had not yet come to dominate the government, the power they held was formidable nonetheless.

From Franz’s standpoint, raising questions was one thing; charging into battle for the interests of the working class and directly confronting the bourgeoisie was quite another—no, thank you!

This great and arduous task, Franz had decided, would be handed over to the Conservative Aristocratic Class, with Prime Minister Metternich as one of the candidates.

Perhaps one day, capitalists would demand electoral rights, constitutional implementation, and the liberation of serfs; while the noble lords would call for the establishment of Labor Protection Laws to secure the rights of the working class.

However, after these two groups had shouted their slogans, the people of Austria would likely be taken aback.

This was also determined by the actual situation in Austria; the nobility still remained in the feudal class, and there were natural conflicts of interest with the capitalists, yet there had not been time for a confluence of interests.

If it were the early 20th century and the nobility and capitalists had formed a coalition of interests, then truly, without toppling and rebuilding, there’d be no way to resolve it through political means.

Besides fanning the flames in front of Metternich, Franz had other preparations; he didn’t believe that his words alone could move Metternich, the old fox.

Don’t be fooled by their good relationship, in politics, personal feelings are never considered.

While enjoying a casual chat, Franz also obtained the qualifications to establish a newspaper. Prior to the March Revolution in 1848, Austria implemented a system of press censorship.

By March 1848, before the great Vienna Revolution, there were a total of 79 newspapers throughout Austria. These were newspapers, not news agencies!

Considering that one news agency could publish several newspapers, the number of actual agencies would be even fewer.

Looking at this set of data, one can see how difficult it was to operate a newspaper in this era.

But none of this was a problem for Franz, who knew that press control was meant to curb the spread of revolutionary ideas. Anyone might support the Revolutionary Party, but he, the heir to the throne, would never support a revolution against himself.

Franz was very morally cultured, sharing the urgencies and concerns of the populace, which is why the name of his newspaper was “We Want Bread, We Want Cheese”.

The mission of this newspaper was exactly as the name implied, and for the safety of the agency, he decided to place it right in front of the police station.

Starting a news agency was also extremely troublesome in this era, and even though Franz could skip the most tedious processes, the tasks of staffing and finding a location still had to be handled on his own.

Most importantly, the editors and journalists of the paper had to have passion, daring to face this cruel society, yet not be so hot-blooded as to forget whose bread they ate.

“In times of national distress, poets thrive; urgency breeds eloquence.”

This saying is indeed very sensible; in the mid-19th century, Austria saw a surge of writers and artists—some persisted in creating, while others switched paths halfway to dabble in politics.

No matter what, the promotional abilities of these scribes were unmatched by the nobility.

Take, for example, the Hungarian politician Kossuth, a lawyer by profession and a powerful propagandist. In 1847, he initiated the prelude to Hungarian independence and even became the head of the Hungarian Republic for a time.

Of course, he also possessed the common issue among literati: he was an idealist whose plans often detached from reality, leading naturally to the suppression of the uprising.

Franz was not interested in Kossuth; no matter how strong his propaganda skills, it couldn’t change the fact that he was an extreme nationalist.

Their positions were naturally opposed; of course, it was not impossible to buy him over if desired, but Franz had no interest in doing so.

In his view of hiring, loyalty greatly outweighed capability; the minimum baseline was to ensure that the person was not an enemy.

After pondering for a moment, Franz wrote a few names on a piece of paper and then instructed, “Raul, have someone check these people on the list. If there are no issues, send them an invitation letter on behalf of the newspaper!”

“Yes, Grand Duke!” the attendant Raul promptly said.

In this era, recruiting people was not easy; universities were ivory towers, inaccessible to the common people, with the smallest parental background being that of a small capitalist.

The so-called inspirational stories were illusions; the high tuition fees were beyond what part-time work and saving could cover.

Writers and artists in society were not as destitute as one might imagine, although those whose families had fallen on hard times were exceptions.

To recruit people, one could either hang a sign in a busy area or publish an advertisement in the newspaper—most often, introductions were made through acquaintances.

Acquaintance introductions, of course, were not suitable for Franz; he never interacted with people who had fallen so low. Dragons do not associate with snakes, naturally he would not know theseordinary workers.

But this was not urgent; recruiting ordinary workers was quite easy. Compared to other industries, working at a newspaper seemed a very respectable job, and there was no worry that no one would respond to the call.

On the other hand, hiring journalists and editors took time. Franz’s invitations went out to well-known writers and artists in society.

Whether they came or not was of no consequence; it simply served to inform them that another newspaper had emerged in Austria, providing them with an additional venue to publish their articles and earn fees.

Through it all, Franz never showed his face, even though many would know that he was the secret owner of the newspaper.

If not for financial considerations, Franz wouldn’t have minded starting dozens of newspapers at once to openly fight for control of public opinion.

Yet considering the return on investment, Franz wisely backed down. Having control of one newspaper to guide public opinion on a regular basis, and to set the tone when needed, was sufficient.

The reforms in Austria had been ongoing for many years, and the current Prime Minister Clemens Metternich was once a representative of the Reformist faction.

However, now he was in an unenviable position: domestically, the bourgeoisie criticized his reforms as insufficiently comprehensive to fully satisfy their interests.

The Aristocratic Conservative Faction likewise rejected the Prime Minister. As a representative of the aristocracy, his advocacy for the liberation of serfs harmed the interests of the Aristocratic Group.

Even the Vienna Palace actually had little fondness for this reformist Prime Minister. The reason was simple: the calls for reform had been too prolonged without visible results.

Franz was probably the person in this era who understood him best, metaphorically speaking: The Austrian Empire was like a house infested with worms; moving one part could cause unknown amounts to collapse.

Out of a cautious and responsible attitude, Metternich’s reforms were very tentative, fearing that one misstep could lead to disaster.

Such hesitant reforms naturally stood no chance of success. How could reform be achieved without bloodshed?

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