Holy Roman Empire

Chapter 52: Chapter 52: Dealing with the Aftermath (Vote for me, please)

Translator: Nyoi-Bo Studio Editor: Nyoi-Bo Studio

Which is more important, politics or military?

There is no accurate answer to this question.

In military terms, Marshal Radetzky’s decision was entirely correct, but politically, it was a grave mistake.

To outsiders, his withdrawal was seen as a loss for Austria on the battlefield, or as a sign that the Austrian Empire was deteriorating.

This would embolden domestic careerists, complicating the internal situation further; simultaneously, Austria’s international standing would also be shaken.

“What’s done is done, there’s no point in dwelling on it!”

“The foreign ministry should first communicate with England and France, ensuring they do not provide substantial support to the Kingdom of Sardinia. The focus should be on the French, and if necessary, we can allow the French into the Northern Italy Region,” Franz stated without hesitation.

In his heart of hearts, he also supported Marshal Radetzky’s tactics; if it meant winning the war, paying a small price was acceptable, wasn’t it?

The adverse political consequences? Let the cabinet take the fall for that. After all, as the young Regent and Crown Prince who’s a model citizen, the public won’t blame him.

Prime Minister Felix’s face was ominously dark, but it was a pity Marshal Radetzky was far away in Venice, so even if he was infuriated, he had nowhere to direct his anger, right?

He surely couldn’t now order Marshal Radetzky to immediately reclaim the Lombardy Region, could he? War isn’t child’s play; things couldn’t be done so arbitrarily.

Should he replace him? The thought flashed through his mind only to disappear. Changing generals in the midst of battle is a major military taboo, not to mention the Crown Prince would surely disagree, and he himself didn’t dare to risk it, did he?

Franz had made his position clear; address the aftermath first. If this war were won, then Marshal Radetzky would be hailed as a hero and a contributor to Austria’s success. Otherwise, there was no need to mention it; the consequences would be severe.

“Your Highness, the French are of little concern. Since the Anti-French Wars ended, the strength of the French Army had been limited, and it was only after the February Revolution in Paris that they shook off these restrictions.

Now with severe internal struggles in France, the discontented Conservatives are counterattacking, and the French are too preoccupied to care. At most they could send some material support.

On the other hand, the British are troublesome. They’ve been little affected by the revolutions and have the capacity to interfere on the Italian battlefield. Our relations with the British are good; now is the time to seek their support!”

On the surface, it certainly seemed to be the case. Beginning with the Metternich Era, Austria’s diplomatic relations with the United Kingdom had been amicable, with both sides wanting to maintain the balance of power on the European Continent.

With aligned political goals, naturally, their relationship was good. In maintaining the European Continental balance, Austria had always been an ally of the British.

Metternich shook his head and said, “Prime Minister, from the British standpoint, establishing a unified Kingdom of Italy while balancing Austria and France is more in their interests.

On this issue, it is almost impossible for us to gain their support; we would be fortunate if the British remained neutral.

Metternich had thoroughly studied the British; relationships are irrelevant, only interests are reliable.

When it came to maintaining the European balance, everyone was allies, but the British didn’t need a powerful Austria; all they needed was an Austria that could block Russian expansion.

Nobody took France seriously anymore; though the Vienna System had collapsed, the vigilant attitude towards France had not dissipated among nations.

The news of the February Revolution in Paris reached St. Petersburg, and Tsar Nicholas I wanted to intervene militarily, but fiscal constraints forced him to abandon this plan.

However, the Tsarist Government still announced the severance of diplomatic relations with France, and before the Russian Ambassador Kiselyov left Paris, he warned the Paris Government to demand that the French abide by the territorial boundaries established by the Congress of Vienna and the Treaty of Paris.

The British were equally concerned about this issue and were still observing the foreign policy of the Paris Government, not yet recognizing their legitimacy.

Under such circumstances, if the French government dares to send troops to Italy, it is very likely to trigger a new round of anti-French warfare; clearly, the Paris Government does not have the courage to do this.

Finnace Minister Carl suddenly spoke up, “Your Highness, our war with the Kingdom of Sardinia has just begun, even if the British want to support the Kingdom of Sardinia, they couldn’t be that efficient.

At this moment, our biggest problem is still domestic; a defeat on the Italian battlefield would stimulate the ambitions of certain individuals.’

Toppling Austria with the help of the Kingdom of Sardinia is not something that can be achieved with mere verbal support. Either England sends troops directly or supports with a substantial amount of money and supplies.

It’s impossible tor the English to send troops directly unless they want Austria to lean towards Russia; and supporting with money and supplies is not a small figure either, it starts at least at one million British Pounds.

This decision is not an easy one to make; in case the money and supplies are provided and Sardinia still loses, their investment would be wasted.

Austria is also a major power and has its own temperament; if things go wrong, France and Austria might compromise and directly divide Italy, leaving the British with no choice but to sit on their hands.

The last words of Carl drew everyone’s attention back to domestic issues. Compared to the problem of Italy, the actual threat of domestic rebellion was the real concern.

I can’t be sure about other places, but the Kingdom of Hungary is certainly going to have a rebellion; it’s just a matter of time.

“Hmm, a defeat on the Italian battlefield will definitely lead to a chain reaction, but we are not unprepared.

Order the troops to strengthen their guard, and if a rebellion occurs, suppress it immediately,” Franz said with a murderous look.

After quelling the Vienna rebellion, Franz immediately began to mobilize troops for war, and many reserves enlisted, bringing the total force of Austria to 578,000.

If it weren’t for the fact that the new soldiers still needed time to be integrated, Franz would not bother negotiating with the Hungarians; resolving the Hungarian issue by force is the correct approach.

Franz certainly wasn’t preparing for a protracted war; quelling the rebellion must be swift and decisive. If it dragged on for a year or two like in history, it would cost lives.

War is about money, and historically the inability to quell domestic rebellion in a timely manner not only caused huge economic losses but also saddled the Austrian Government with a massive foreign debt.

As a result of which, Austria was always one step behind in subsequent developments, a step that led Austria into the abyss.

“Your Highness, should we send additional troops to Marshal Radetzky?” asked Finance Minister Carl, somewhat worried.

“No need, after giving up the Lombardy Region, the troops at Marshal Radetzky’s disposal are more than sufficient, holding Venice is not a problem!” Franz thought for a moment and said.

Since it’s about enticing the enemy deep in, if our forces are too large, what if the Italians dare not come?

The Kingdom of Sardinia’s resources are limited; at most, they can deploy a force of one hundred or eighty thousand troops.. With the forces of both sides being equal, Franz does not believe that the Austrian army can’t beat the Italians!

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