Holy Roman Empire

Chapter 18 - Chapter 18: Chapter 18, It’s Better to Enjoy Together than Alone.

Chapter 18: Chapter 18, It’s Better to Enjoy Together than Alone.

Translator: Nyoi-Bo Studio  Editor: Nyoi-Bo Studio

Looking at the freshly minted Labor Protection Law, Franz showed a satisfied smile, knowing that the nobility and bourgeoisie could no longer reconcile.

The proposal of an 8-hour workday made it clear that the nobility had been provoked by the capitalists, directly undermining their financial base.

From now on, the working class in Austria would part ways with the bourgeoisie; the government had legalized what they wanted through law—the only obstacle being the capitalists.

Would the bourgeoisie still dare to use the workers’ movement to seize power at this time?

Certainly not, as the enemy of the workers’ movement was no longer the government but the bourgeoisie.

For a long time to come, the capitalists would have to struggle with the working class until one side conceded.

“Tyren, disseminate the contents of our ‘Labor Protection Law’ as quickly as possible, and remember to send a copy to the unions in Paris!” Franz instructed.

This was the best of times, it was the worst of times, in 1847 only Great Britain had completed industrialization in the world.

The rest of the major European powers were all catching up, with France’s industrial revolution underway, not set to be complete until the 1860s.

The industrial revolution in the Germany Region had just begun, whether in Prussia or Austria, everyone was still in the initial stages.

To increase the cost of labor, causing a decline in product competitiveness?

This was hardly a problem; Austria’s biggest issue was the lack of market, whether workers or farmers, everyone was poor, what would they buy products with?

Who would the products produced be sold to before the market had been developed?

To export?

Franz did not underestimate Austrian industry, but at this age, the British were still the leaders in industrial products; Austria’s leading product remained grain.

So it’s better to calmly cultivate the market first, then develop industry step by step.

However, it’s better to be happy together than alone, and Franz, such an unselfish person, would surely consider the wellbeing of people worldwide; everyone’s life wasn’t easy, eagerly awaiting improvement, right?

In this aspect, he trusted that the French people’s revolutionary stance was firm and that they would surely do this work well. Only by improving the living conditions of the working class could this world become better.

Franz didn’t yet know that, in future history books, the Austrian Government’s proposal of an 8-hour workday would become the spark for the great European revolution.

The Vienna March Revolution, highly praised by historians, under his butterfly effect, became a bourgeois-led conspiracy rebellion, discontent with the government’s establishment of the “Labor Protection Law.”

The latter was the definitive conclusion that Franz personally set, when it was time to strike his enemies, he never pulled his punches.

As for the future, let’s not discuss that for now; at this time, Vienna was already boiling over. Newspapers published the “Labor Protection Law” in its entirety at the fastest speed.

Countless scholars began to eagerly write, praising or criticizing; in any case, everyone was enthusiastic.

The Reformists began to split, one faction celebrating their coronation, the Austrian reform finally saw incremental success, many were optimistically analyzing that soon after the “Labor Protection Law,” the government would undoubtedly continue to deepen reforms.

The other faction was the capitalist interest group, which attacked the government with the most vehement language for destroying the free system, believing that in a free country, such issues should be determined by the market.

Over this issue, the two factions argued incessantly. The capitalists, unwilling to see their interests harmed, had already begun to conspire, with undercurrents spreading from Vienna throughout Austria.

The workers of Vienna were at first disbelieving, then shocked, and upon confirming the news, they began to celebrate as if they were saying goodbye to their hard lives.

Paris

As the cradle of the revolutionary movement in Europe, the people of Paris have always been the most revolutionary, and the introduction of the Austrian Government’s “Labor Protection Law” caused a sensation as soon as it was received.

Even the historically conservative Austrian Government knew to legislate the protection of workers’ interests, yet the July Monarchy had not yet done so; such an evil government must be overthrown.

Of course, rebellion is never accomplished overnight; experienced Parisian trade unions were discussing it fiercely as soon as they could.

Seeing that the Austrian Government took the initiative to legislate the protection of workers’ rights and even proposed an advanced 8-hour workday model, many hoped for the same from the Paris Government.

What if the bigwigs in the Paris Government suddenly came to their senses? Their demands were not high, they just wanted to copy Austria’s “Labor Protection Law.”

From the end of 1847, Paris began to experience historically significant strikes, with hundreds of thousands of Parisian workers taking to the streets to demonstrate for their rights.

Soon, this meaningful activity spread from Paris across France and like a virus throughout the European Continent, with almost every European city erupting in strikes.

The “8-hour workday” had become a banner of the workers’ movement of the time, and due to being the first to legislate the Labor Protection Law, the Austrian Government’s image abroad also changed a lot.

Since 1817, when Robert Owen, a British man, proposed the “8-hour workday,” this was the world’s first time a government legislated its implementation, and its impact far exceeded the Austrian Government’s imagination.

Prime Minister Metternich, long criticized as Conservative, once again became a leader for the Reformists, and the Austrian public highly praised him for this reform.

However, all of this was not what Prime Minister Metternich wanted, for on the surface, he appeared as the victor of this government struggle, not only thwarting his rivals’ schemes but also advancing the reform further and gaining the people’s support.

In reality, Prime Minister Metternich was suffering; under the pressure of the nobility, he had enacted the “Labor Protection Law,” henceforth making an enemy of the bourgeoisie.

Are capitalists that easy to provoke?

Without a doubt, everyone knew the answer to this question.

The coming of retaliation was faster than most people expected.

On November 24, 1847, on the third day following the release of the “Labor Protection Law,” capitalists organized a strike, with ninety percent of the factories and shops in Vienna closing for business on that day.

The bourgeoisie also submitted a petition to the King, demanding the repeal of the “Labor Protection Law” and the dismissal of the Metternich Cabinet.

Trouble had come for the Austrian Government, the strength of the bourgeoisie was stronger than everyone expected, and even some short-sighted nobles had been misled by the capitalists, joining the shutdown.

The time to test Prime Minister Metternich had come; if he couldn’t solve this problem, it wouldn’t be long before Vienna descended into chaos.

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