Chapter 130

‘I’ve accepted the command, but the easiest route is often the best. First, I need to check some prerequisites!’

Hyang, who was just about to enjoy his ‘happy time’ before being summoned, began by verifying some initial conditions.

“One idea comes to mind. When a private female slave) marries a commoner, she should be required to inform her master and obtain a document of permission. For government-owned female slaves, a similar document would be required from the relevant government office.”

Heo Jo quickly responded to Hyang’s suggestion.

“For private slaves, the master will likely grant permission or refuse it. Most private female slaves probably won’t ever get married.”

Hyang nodded thoughtfully at Heo Jo’s response.

“That makes sense.”

“And in the case of government-owned slaves, they usually don’t seek marriage.”

“Why is that?”

“A significant number of government-owned female slaves are from noble families.”

“Aha…”

Hyang slowly nodded, processing Heo Jo’s explanation.

* * *

When officials or scholars of the nobility committed serious crimes—often treason—their entire families were implicated and disgraced.

Adult males were typically executed, while young boys and women became government slaves.

Many of these women from noble families, now government slaves, chose to remain chaste—at least outwardly.

This also applied to women who became private slaves, either given to meritorious subjects or for various other reasons.

The decision of these women, reduced to a lower status, to remain chaste often stemmed from a faint hope of restoration.

The family of King Sejong’s father-in-law, Sim On, had its honor restored early in Sejong’s reign, excluding Sim On himself. Inspired by such rare instances, these women clung to that slim hope and maintained their chastity.

* * *

After hearing Heo Jo’s explanation, Hyang paused to gather his thoughts and then asked another question.

“Your Majesty has issued a decree, but considering the backlash from the slave owners, it won’t be easy. As a secondary option, what if all children born between commoners and female slaves become government slaves?”

Heo Jo immediately responded.

“Private slaves would all wish to become government slaves. Many are already eagerly seeking this status. So, naturally, they would be desperate to find commoner husbands.”

Hyang’s expression fell into disappointment.

“Indeed…”

After a moment of silence, Hyang composed himself and replied to King Sejong.

“I have received Your Majesty’s command, and as your servant, I will do my utmost to find a solution.”

“I trust the Crown Prince.”

“I will give my all.”

With a promise to himself, Hyang bowed to King Sejong and left Gangnyeongjeon.

Watching Hyang leave, King Sejong, once Hyang was out of sight, turned to Heo Jo.

“What if we hadn’t carried out the land reform, and the Crown Prince hadn’t shown such prominence?”

After a moment of silence, Heo Jo replied.

“Forgive my boldness, but if that were the case, I, or rather, all ministers, would have advocated for the Follow the Mother Law. Without it, Joseon might have plunged into civil unrest.”

“Civil unrest…” King Sejong murmured with a bitter expression.

‘It’s plausible in that scenario.’

Heo Jo was known for his principled stance. His foremost principle was ‘the peace of Joseon’. He believed in enforcing even unfair laws if they were for the sake of peace, as he had strongly advocated for the law prohibiting complaints from the common people.

Following this principle, he initially supported Ryu Jung-hyeon, but later shifted his support to King Sejong.

As King Sejong trailed off, Heo Jo’s expression grew more serious.

“Your Majesty, it’s not too late. We must deal with Prince Yangnyeong.”

“Even so, he is my brother, and currently, the land reform is proceeding well, public sentiment is on my side, and the Crown Prince is demonstrating exceptional ability, so let’s overlook it.”

“…As you command.”

With King Sejong deciding to put aside the issue with Prince Yangnyeong, Heo Jo had no choice but to accept it.

It was the king’s command, after all.

‘A subject can advise, but should not unduly pressure the sovereign.’

This was Heo Jo’s second principle.

* * *

“Slaves…”

Back in his room at the Eastern Palace, Hyang muttered softly.

“Do you wish to take your meal now?”

At the eunuch’s inquiry, Hyang replied briefly.

“I have work to do. For the time being, I will be alone. Inform them accordingly.”

“Yes, Your Highness.”

After giving his orders, Hyang’s lips twitched in frustration.

“If they dare complain about my delayed succession again, I’ll turn everything upside down.”

After sending the eunuch away and left alone, Hyang sat at his desk and mumbled to himself.

“Slaves… This really isn’t easy. From the perspective of local lords, nobles, or scholars, slaves are their economic and military backbone…”

As Hyang grumbled while reviewing the current situation, he recalled the words of his teacher, Samcheonpo.

“Joseon has a wealth of historical records and documents, which allows for extensive research. That’s why there are so many controversies and debates about the figures from the Joseon era.”

Should I start from more recent times and work backward?

There are Yi Myeong-bok and Min Ja-young. Were they patriots who strived to protect the nation during the imperialist era, or were they delusional dreamers longing for the revival of absolute monarchy and external family regimes?

Above them is King Jeongjo, embroiled in controversy as either a reformist monarch or a cunning player in a high-stakes game of power.

Then there’s King Yeongjo, either a suspect in his brother’s death and a power-hungry ruler who killed his own son, or a savvy politician who maintained a delicate balance of power.

King Gwanghae is debated as either a madman or a master of balancing diplomacy during the Ming-Qing transition.

The most famous figures include Admiral Yi Sun-sin, hailed as either a national hero or overrated due to military regime propaganda, and Won Gyun, who some say has been excessively vilified.

And now, the criticism has begun to emerge against ‘Sejong the Great.’ Critics mainly point to his policies like the ban on commoner complaints, the Follow the Mother Law, and forced social stratification. They label King Sejong as ‘an absolute monarch and a king for the privileged.’

But then, why did he create Hangul? If he wanted to favor the privileged, keeping the lower classes ignorant would have been ideal. Why create a script for the common people?

Was it out of intellectual vanity, to show off his intelligence? Does that make sense? Doesn’t something feel off?

* * *

“Is it all just a compromise for the sake of maintaining political stability?”

Reflecting on Samcheonpo’s words, Hyang spoke seriously to himself.

According to Samcheonpo’s ‘Acknowledged Random Talks,’ the laws like the ban on commoner complaints and the Follow the Mother Law were a result of a compromise between the Joseon royal family, originating from northern military factions, and the southern regional power-holders.

King Taejong, seeking to strengthen his power and extend central authority to the provinces, initiated the ban on commoner complaints.

The local lords of the granary regions, who had lost their military bases due to the private army abolishment and Daimyo (Japanese lords) expeditions, had to accept this law.

On the other hand, the local lords, who regained economic power in their regions by accelerating land consolidation during the recurring famines around King Sejong’s accession – Samcheonpo compared them to those who aggressively accumulated wealth during the IMF crisis – pushed for the Follow the Mother Law, which King Sejong had no choice but to accept.

Samcheonpo concluded his talk with the following:

-Why did King Sejong, who inherited King Taejong’s strong monarchy, get pushed back just over a decade into his reign? Firstly, the Jurchen issue in the north, and secondly, the primitive inland transportation issues of Joseon. If a rebel movement in the south, even with armed forces, erupted, it would be hard to freely move the military concentrated in the north, and even if they tried to mobilize scattered forces in the south, the terrible road conditions would make timely response difficult. Both sides would suffer more losses. So, they reached a kind of agreement with the Follow the Mother Law. ‘We’ll guarantee your interests to some extent, so listen to the central government.’

Reflecting on Samcheonpo’s words, Hyang smirked.

“Now that I think about it, we used to joke that he was an alien because his theories were so plausible…”

Recalling Samcheonpo, Hyang chuckled and continued.

“Looking at the current situation, maybe he really was an alien.”

* * *

The next day, Hyang, upon arriving at Area 51, sought out Jang Yeong-sil.

While waiting for Jang Yeong-sil, Hyang muttered softly.

“Cliché as it may be, there are things that must be done.”

Soon after, Jang Yeong-sil, summoned, respectfully greeted Hyang.

“Your Highness, did you call for me?”

“It’s been a while, Astronomer Jang. How is the Annular Gear project progressing?”

At Hyang’s question, Jang Yeong-sil’s face paled, and he knelt down immediately.

“I am sorry! We haven’t yet produced useful results.”

Seeing Jang Yeong-sil kneeling and confessing, Hyang gestured dismissively.

“Stand up. Sit down on the chair; we have much to discuss.”

“Yes.”

Having seated Jang Yeong-sil, Hyang inquired about the progress of the project.

“How long has it been since the Annular Gear project began?”

“It’s entering its second year.”

“What seems to be the problem?”

“For self-operation, a mechanism to supply power is needed. Since we don’t have a steam engine yet, we are researching the use of springs.”

“Wow…”

Hyang remembered the disaster of using a spring mechanism in the past.

“Isn’t that heavy for the Annular Gear’s structure?”

“That’s why we’re considering using iron for the framework.”

“But then, the weight would be…”

Hyang abruptly stopped mid-discussion about the Annular Gear.

“No, that’s not the urgent matter. I summoned you here for an order from His Majesty.”

At the mention of King Sejong, Jang Yeong-sil straightened up, looking tense.

“Please give your command.”

“We need to create a loom.”

“A loom?”

“Yes. Current looms require a lot of manual labor and handiwork. We need to modify them to use water or animal power for weaving and threading.”

Jang Yeong-sil tapped his fingers on the desk, deep in thought.

“Do you foresee any difficulties?”

Hyang wondered if he should intervene, considering his workload.

Jang Yeong-sil shook his head.

“No, I need to study an actual loom first, but it seems feasible.”

“Good. I’ll arrange for a loom to be delivered soon. You have one year for development.”

Jang Yeong-sil responded with a worried look.

“If I could have a little more time…”

“It’s a royal command.”

“…Yes.”

“Then start preparing. I’ll have a loom sent to you shortly.”

“Yes, Your Highness.”

After sending Jang Yeong-sil off, Hyang looked towards Gyeongbokgung Palace and muttered to himself.

“Now, how will I secure the budget for this…”

* * *

After offloading the task to Jang Yeong-sil, Hyang immersed himself in the records at the Record Bureau.

“Merely focusing on the textile industry won’t yield quick results…”

While rifling through a vast amount of documents and rubbing his tired eyes, Hyang spread out a blank sheet of paper and muttered to himself.

“If they insist on treating slaves as property, then we must treat them as such.”

* * *

Four days after receiving the command from King Sejong and delegating the task to Jang Yeong-sil, Hyang, carrying a bundle of papers, went to see King Sejong.

“I believe I have found a solution to the command Your Majesty issued.”

“Speak.”

King Sejong and the ministers focused their attention on Hyang, waiting for the solution he would present.

Standing in the center of Gangnyeongjeon, Hyang took a deep breath and began.

“Your Majesty commanded me to find a solution to the slave issue. I believe we need to combine several policies and tools.”

“Using a combination of various approaches…”

As King Sejong pondered Hyang’s words, Hyang continued.

“Yes. But first, we need to secure a livelihood for those who have been manumitted and change the perception of slave owners, making them realize that owning more slaves is disadvantageous.”

Hyang took a brief pause, then addressed the ministers.

“The tools for the livelihood are currently being researched in Area 51. And to change the perception of slave owners, I believe we need to modify the tax system.”

“Change the tax system?”

At the ministers’ question, Hyang nodded.

“Yes, if slaves are considered property, then they should be treated as such.”

* * *

(Note 1) 14th year of King Sejong’s reign (1432, Year of Imja)

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